3418556_blog
By Selwyn Duke

There is often a profound difference between morality and legality, and, if this were a just world, a good percentage of the American left would be tried for treason.  If that seems a radical statement, I ask you: What price should be paid for sowing the seeds of your nation's destruction?  What should be the punishment for creating millions of people so ignorant, so effete, so corrupted in judgment that they are unable to sustain a free republic, resist enemies foreign and domestic, and perpetuate their culture?  I'll leave that to you to decide and just talk a bit about the state of the electorate.

I have often written about the ignorance that has resulted from decades of pathetic, dumbed-down parenting and schooling, and, sadly, there's no shortage of material on this subject.  In fact, you could probably read three large volumes on it and not know all Americans don't know about what they should know.  However, one short article recently written by economics professor and columnist Dr. Walter Williams perhaps tells us all we need to know.  It is called "Ignorance reigns supreme" and relates the findings of a national survey measuring people's knowledge of civics titled "Our Fading Heritage: Americans Fail a Basic Test on Their History and Institutions."  Its findings are staggering, although not at all surprising to me.  For starters, 71 percent of Americans surveyed failed the test, and the average score on it was 49 percent.  As for some details, Williams tells us (some of the following information he gleaned from sources other than the survey):

Only 27 percent know the Bill of Rights
expressly prohibits establishing an official religion for the United
States.  . . . 25 percent [of college
seniors] did not know that Columbus landed in the Western Hemisphere before the
year 1500; 42 percent could not place the Civil War in the correct
half-century; and 31 percent thought Reconstruction came after World War II.  . . . 50 percent of whites and more than 80
percent of blacks couldn't state in writing the argument made in a newspaper
column; 56 percent could not calculate the right tip. . . .  98 percent could identify rap artist Snoop
Dogg and Beavis and Butt-Head, but only 34 percent knew George Washington was
the general at the battle of Yorktown.

Williams then opines:

With limited thinking
abilities and knowledge of our heritage, we Americans set ourselves up as easy
prey for charlatans, hustlers and quacks [i.e., that is, at least 80 percent of our politicians]. If we don't know the constitutional
limits placed on Congress and the White House, politicians can do just about
anything they wish to control our lives, from deciding what kind of light bulbs
we can use to whether the government can take over our health care system or bailout
failing businesses. We just think Congress can do anything upon which they can
get a majority vote.

Without a doubt.  To put it differently, how can we protect our rights as Americans if we don't understand civics and the Constitution and thus cannot know what those rights are?  And how can we preserve our culture and traditions — and know what we're relinquishing by not doing so and the consequences of this sin of omission — if we don't know what they are?  Rhetorical questions both. 

Most distressingly, the civics survey found that almost 25 percent of us believe that Congress shares its foreign policy powers with the United Nations.  If Americans believe such nonsense, can we expect them to vigorously oppose efforts to move us closer to one-world government?  If people already believe that a certain degree of our sovereignty is gone, then all the internationalists need do is make it official; they will be able to relinquish precisely that degree of sovereignty without opposition from those ignorant citizens. 

Yet, despite this abject ignorance, we still have get-out-the-dopes drives.  What percent of the electorate should actually vote?  Well, take the 71 percent that failed the civics test and subtract it from the total, and you'll have the answer.

Of course, though, fewer and fewer Americans can make that calculation all the time. 

                © 2008 Selwyn Duke — All Rights Reserved

Posted in , ,

8 responses to “The Ignoramus Americus”

  1. who on 1st Avatar
    who on 1st

    Well, I for one am glad that we have Duke out there…well informed, grounded in historical perspective, knowing the foundations upon which his country was formed and firm with his God. I like knowing he’s there; struggling for the Right, challenging the cultural and moral corruptors and churning out pulp for the John Birch Society.
    Duke abides.
    “I don’t know about you, but I take comfort in that. It’s good knowin’ he’s out there … [fighting hard] for all us sinners.”

    Like

  2. John Avatar
    John

    who on 1st, you’re a wiseguy. But you should be glad Duke’s out there. People like him and Savage and Limbaugh and Coulter are fighting for all of us.

    Like

  3. John Avatar
    John

    I forgot to mention something. Who’s on 1st – you’re an ignoramus americanus!

    Like

  4. who on 1st Avatar
    who on 1st

    John,
    Duke, Savage, Coulter and Limbaugh really are fighting for themselves. And my guess is that unless you are walking around with a million dollars in your pocket, they don’t care about you at all. They are to some extant, all of them, elitists with Duke at the head of the pack. (The fact that he’s not better known proves he’s at least their intellectual superior.) He openly recognizes class differences and makes no bones about where his loyalties are. And if you work for a living, with all due respect, maybe you should take another look at yours.

    Like

  5. John Avatar
    John

    When has Duke ever said he’s only for the rich? Worry about rich communists like George Soros, not the good people.

    Like

  6. Robert Griswold Avatar

    Who could say it better, Robert
    Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
    Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.
    No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
    Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
    I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free– if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending–if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained–we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
    They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable–and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
    It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace– but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

    Like

  7. Always Questioning Avatar
    Always Questioning

    So who is fighting for us then? Is your statement implying that there are individuals that “fight” for all Americans, or are you only criticizing the icons of a viewpoint you disagree with?

    Like

  8. who on 1st Avatar
    who on 1st

    John,
    You’re an ass.

    Like

Leave a reply to Always Questioning Cancel reply